Myths
and Facts - Gulf Wars
MYTH
"The 1991 Gulf War was fought for Israel."
FACT
Prior to President George Bush's announcement of Operation Desert Storm,
critics of Israel were claiming the Jewish State and its supporters were
pushing Washington to start a war with Iraq to eliminate it as a
military threat. President Bush made the U.S. position clear, however,
in his speech on August 2, 1990, saying that the United States has
"longstanding vital interests" in the Persian Gulf. Moreover, Iraq's
"naked aggression" violated the UN charter. The President expressed
concern for other small nations in the area as well as American citizens
living or working in the region. "I view a fundamental responsibility of
my Presidency [as being] to protect American citizens."1
A U.S. Patriot missile seeks
out an incoming SCUD
Over the course of the Gulf crisis, the President and other top
Administration officials made clear that U.S. interests — primarily oil
supplies — were threatened by the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.
Most Americans agreed with the President's decision to go to war. For
example, the Washington Post/ABC News Poll on January 16, 1991, found
that 76 percent of Americans approved of the U.S. going to war with Iraq
and 22 percent disapproved.2
It is true that Israel viewed Iraq as a serious threat to its security
given its leadership of the rejectionist camp. Israeli concerns proved
justified after the war began and Iraq fired 39 Scud missiles at its
civilian population centers.
Israel has never asked American troops to fight its battles. Although
Israeli forces were prepared to participate in the Gulf War, they did
not because the United States asked them not to. Even after the
provocation of the Scud missile attacks, Israel assented to U.S. appeals
not to respond.
MYTH
"Israel's low profile in the Gulf War proves it has no strategic value
to the United States."
FACT
Israel was never expected to play a major role in hostilities in the
Gulf. American officials knew the Arabs would not allow Israel to help
defend them; they also knew U.S. troops would have to intervene because
the Gulf states could not protect themselves.
Israel's posture reflected a deliberate political decision in response
to American requests. Nevertheless, it did aid the United States'
successful campaign to roll back Iraq's aggression. For example:
· The IDF was the sole military force in the region that could
successfully challenge the Iraqi army. That fact, which Saddam Hussein
understood, was a deterrent to further Iraqi aggression.
· By warning that it would take military measures if any Iraqi troops
entered Jordan, Israel, in effect, guaranteed its neighbor's territorial
integrity against Iraqi aggression.
· The United States benefited from the use of Israeli-made Have Nap
air-launched missiles on its B52 bombers. The Navy, meanwhile, used
Israeli Pioneer pilotless drones for reconnaissance in the Gulf.
· Israel provided mine plows that were used to clear paths for allied
forces through Iraqi minefields.
· Mobile bridges flown directly from Israel to Saudi Arabia were
employed by the U.S. Marine Corps.
· Israeli recommendations, based upon system performance observations,
led to several software changes that made the Patriot a more capable
missile defense system.
· Israel Aircraft Industries developed conformal fuel tanks that
enhanced the range of F15 aircraft. These were used in the Gulf.
· General Dynamics, a U.S. military contractor, has implemented a
variety of Israeli modifications to improve the worldwide F16 aircraft
fleet, including structural enhancements, software changes, increased
capability landing gear, radio improvements and avionic modifications.
· An Israeli-produced targeting system was used to increase the Cobra
helicopter's night-fighting capabilities.
· Israel manufactured the canister for the highly successful Tomahawk
missile.
· Night-vision goggles used by U.S. forces were supplied by Israel.
· A low-altitude warning system produced and developed in Israel was
utilized on Blackhawk helicopters.
· Israel provided other equipment to U.S. forces including flack vests,
gas masks and sandbags.
· Israel offered the United States the use of military and hospital
facilities. U.S. ships utilized Haifa port shipyard maintenance and
support on their way to the Gulf.
· Israel destroyed Iraq's nuclear reactor in 1981. Consequently, U.S.
troops did not face a nuclear-armed Iraq.
· Even in its low-profile mode, Israeli cooperation was extremely
valuable: Israel's military intelligence had focused on Iraq much more
carefully over the years than had the U.S. intelligence community. Thus,
the Israelis were able to provide Washington with detailed tactical
intelligence on Iraqi military activities. Defense Secretary Richard
Cheney said, for example, that the U.S. utilized Israeli information
about western Iraq in its search for Scud missile launchers.3
MYTH
"Israel benefitted from the Gulf War without paying any price."
FACT
It is true that Israel benefitted from the destruction of Iraq's
military capability by the United States-led coalition, but the cost was
enormous. Even before hostilities broke out, Israel had to revise its
defense budget to maintain its forces at a heightened state of alert.
The Iraqi missile attacks justified Israel's prudence in keeping its air
force flying round the clock. The war required the defense budget to be
increased by more than $500 million. Another $100 million boost was
needed for civil defense.
The damage caused by the 39 Iraqi Scud missiles that landed in Tel Aviv
and Haifa was extensive. Approximately 3,300 apartments and other
buildings were affected in the greater Tel Aviv area. Some 1,150 people
who were evacuated had to be housed at a dozen hotels at a cost of
$20,000 per night.
Beyond the direct costs of military preparedness and damage to property,
the Israeli economy was also hurt by the inability of many Israelis to
work under the emergency conditions. The economy functioned at no more
than 75 percent of normal capacity during the war, resulting in a net
loss to the country of $3.2 billion.4
The biggest cost was in human lives. A total of 74 people died as a
consequence of Scud attacks. Two died in direct hits, four from
suffocation in gas masks and the rest from heart attacks.5
A UN committee dealing with reparation claims against Iraq dating to the
1991 Gulf War approved more than $31 million to be paid to Israeli
businesses and individuals. The 1999 decision stemmed from a 1992
Security Council decision calling on Iraq to compensate victims of the
Gulf War.6 In 2001, the United Nations Compensation Commission awarded
$74 million to Israel for the costs it incurred from Iraqi Scud missile
attacks during the Gulf War. The Commission rejected most of the $1
billion that Israel had requested.7
MYTH
"Israel did nothing to protect Palestinians from Scud attacks."
FACT
The Los Angeles Times recognized Israel's dilemma in allocating gas
masks for its population:
Gas-mask distribution throughout Israel was calculated according to
estimates — based in part on Saddam Hussein's own prewar threats — of
where the threat to the population was greatest. First call was given to
the Tel Aviv-Haifa coastal area, with its heavy and largely Jewish
population density, as well as to Jerusalem, the second-largest city.
Smaller urban areas were next given priority, followed by rural areas in
Israel proper and finally the occupied territories. Experience has shown
the soundness of this ranking. It is Israel's citizens who are most at
threat from Iraq's outlawed weapons, not the Palestinians in the West
Bank, who are Saddam's partisans.8
The vast majority of Palestinians made no secret of their support for
Iraq, and many were seen on their rooftops cheering as Scuds rained on
Israeli population centers.9 Because of their support for Saddam
Hussein, and the Iraqi dictator's professed concern for the
Palestinians, Israel did not believe it was likely the territories would
come under attack.
The Israeli courts subsequently ordered the military to distribute gas
masks to all the residents of the territories. This was being done,
though the war ended before all Palestinians had received them. No
Palestinians were injured in any Scud attacks.
MYTH
"Iraq was never a threat to Israel."
FACT
Since coming to power, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein had been a leader
of the rejectionist Arab states and one of the most belligerent foes of
Israel. On April 2, 1990, Saddam's rhetoric became more threatening: "I
swear to God we will let our fire eat half of Israel if it tries to wage
anything against Iraq." Saddam said his nation's chemical weapons
capability was matched only by that of the United States and the Soviet
Union, and that he would annihilate anyone who threatened Iraq with an
atomic bomb by the "double chemical."10
Several days later, Saddam said that war with Israel would not end until
all Israeli-held territory was restored to Arab hands. He added that
Iraq could launch chemical weapons at Israel from several different
sites.11 The Iraqi leader also made the alarming disclosure that his
commanders had the freedom to launch attacks against Israel without
consulting the high command if Israel attacked Iraq. The head of the
Iraqi Air Force subsequently said he had orders to strike Israel if the
Jewish State launched a raid against Iraq or any other Arab country.12
On June 18, 1990, Saddam told an Islamic Conference meeting in Baghdad:
"We will strike at [the Israelis] with all the arms in our possession if
they attack Iraq or the Arabs." He declared "Palestine has been stolen,"
and exhorted the Arab world to "recover the usurped rights in Palestine
and free Jerusalem from Zionist captivity."13
Saddam's threat came in the wake of revelations that Britain and the
United States foiled an attempt to smuggle American-made "krytron"
nuclear triggers to Iraq.14 Britain's MI6 intelligence service prepared
a secret assessment three years earlier that Hussein had ordered an
all-out effort to develop nuclear weapons.15 After Saddam used chemical
weapons against his own Kurdish population in Halabja in 1988, few
people doubted his willingness to use nuclear weapons against Jews in
Israel if he had the opportunity.
Israeli fears were further raised by reports in the Arabic press,
beginning in January 1990, that Jordan and Iraq had formed "joint
military battalions" drawn from the various ground, air and naval units.
"These battalions will serve as emergency forces to confront any foreign
challenge or threat to either of the two countries," one newspaper
said.16 In addition, the two countries were said to have formed a joint
air squadron.17 This was to be the first step toward a unified Arab
corps, Jordanian columnist Mu'nis al-Razzaz disclosed. "If we do not
hurry up and start forming a unified military Arab force, we will not be
able to confront the Zionist ambitions supported by U.S. aid," he
said.18 Given the history of Arab alliances forming as a prelude to
planning an attack, Israel found these developments worrisome.
In April 1990, British customs officers found tubes about to be loaded
onto an Iraqi-chartered ship that were believed to be part of a giant
cannon that would enable Baghdad to lob nuclear or chemical missiles
into Israel or Iran.19 Iraq denied it was building a "supergun," but,
after the war, it was learned that Iraq had built such a weapon.20
Iraq emerged from its war with Iran with one of the largest and
best-equipped military forces in the world. In fact, Iraq had one
million battle-tested troops, more than 700 combat aircraft, 6,000
tanks, ballistic missiles and chemical weapons. Although the U.S. and
its allies won a quick victory, the magnitude of Hussein's arsenal only
became clear after the war when UN investigators found evidence of a
vast program to build chemical and nuclear weapons.21
Iraq also served as a base for several terrorist groups that menaced
Israel, including the PLO and Abu Nidal's Fatah Revolutionary Council.
After the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, Saddam Hussein consistently
threatened to strike Israel if his country was attacked. If the U.S.
moves against Iraq, he said in December 1990, "then Tel Aviv will
receive the next attack, whether or not Israel takes part."22 At a press
conference, following his January 9, 1991, meeting with Secretary of
State James Baker, Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz was asked if the
war starts, would Iraq attack Israel. He replied bluntly: "Yes.
Absolutely, yes."23
Ultimately, Saddam carried out his threat.
MYTH
"Saddam Hussein was never interested in acquiring nuclear weapons."
FACT
In 1981, Israel became convinced Iraq was approaching the capability to
produce a nuclear weapon. To preempt the building of a weapon they
believed would undoubtedly be directed against them, the Israelis
launched their surprise attack destroying the Osirak nuclear complex. At
the time, Israel was widely criticized. On June 19, the UN Security
Council unanimously condemned the raid. Critics minimized the importance
of Iraq's nuclear program, claiming that because Baghdad had signed the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and permitted its facilities to be
inspected, Israeli fears were baseless.
It was not until after Iraq invaded Kuwait that U.S. officials began to
acknowledge publicly that Baghdad was developing nuclear weapons and
that it was far closer to reaching its goal than previously thought.
Again, many critics argued the Administration was only seeking a
justification for a war with Iraq.
Months later, after allied forces had announced the destruction of
Iraq's nuclear facilities, UN inspectors found Saddam's program to
develop weapons was far more extensive than even the Israelis believed.
Analysts had thought Iraq was incapable of enriching uranium for bombs,
but Saddam's researchers used several methods (including one thought to
be obsolete) that were believed to have made it possible for Iraq to
build at least one bomb.
MYTH
"The PLO was neutral in the Gulf War."
FACT
The PLO, Libya and Iraq were the only members who opposed an Arab League
resolution calling for an Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait. The intifada
leadership sent a cable of congratulations to Saddam Hussein, describing
the invasion of Kuwait as the first step toward the "liberation of
Palestine."24
PLO leader Yasser Arafat played a critical role in sabotaging an Arab
summit meeting that was to have been convened in Saudi Arabia to deal
with the invasion. According to the New York Times, Arafat "diverted
attention from the planned summit and helped capsize it" by showing up
in Egypt with a "peace plan" devised by Libyan dictator Muammar
Qaddafi.25
According to an eyewitness account by Al-Ahram editor Ibrahim Nafei,
Arafat worked hard to "water down" any anti-Iraq resolution at the
August 1990 Arab League meeting in Cairo. Arafat "moved from delegation
to delegation, hand in hand with Tariq Aziz, the Iraqi Foreign Minister,
who was openly threatening some Gulf and other Arab delegates that Iraq
would turn them upside down," Nafei wrote.26
In Amman, Jordan, a PLO official warned that Palestinian fighters had
arrived in Yemen. "We expect them to take suicidal operations against
the American troops in Saudi Arabia if the Americans move against Iraq,"
he declared. "There are more than 50,000 Palestinian fighters" in both
Kuwait and Iraq, he said, who "will defend the interests of Iraq."27
Abul Abbas, a member of the PLO Executive Committee, threatened that
"any American target will become vulnerable" should the United States
attack Iraq.28
In Jenin, on August 12, 1,000 Palestinians marched, shouting: "Saddam,
you hero, attack Israel with chemical weapons."29
According to some sources, the PLO played an active role in facilitating
Iraq's conquest of Kuwait. The logistical planning for the Iraqi
invasion was at least partially based on intelligence supplied by PLO
officials and supporters based in Kuwait. One Arab diplomat was quoted
in the London Independent as saying that on arrival in Kuwait, Iraqi
officials "went straight to their homes, picked them up and ordered them
to go to work." The Iraqi Embassy had compiled its own list of key
Kuwaiti personnel, said the diplomat, "but who helped them? Who were the
skilled technicians who worked alongside the Kuwaitis and knew all this
information?" he asked. "The Palestinians."30
“Leaders of Israel's peace movement expressed their disgust for the
PLO's actions. One would need a gas mask to overcome the "toxic,
repulsive stench” of the PLO's attitude toward Saddam Hussein, Yossi
Sarid said.31 Another activist, Yaron London, wrote in an open letter to
the Palestinians in the territories: “This week you proved to me for
many years I was a great fool. When you ask once again for my support
for your 'legitimate rights,' you will discover that your shouts of
encouragement to Saddam have clogged my ears.”32
When the U.S. began massing troops in Saudi Arabia, Arafat called this a
"new crusade" that "forebodes the gravest dangers and disasters for our
Arab and Islamic nation." He also made clear his position on the
conflict: "We can only be in the trench hostile to Zionism and its
imperialist allies who are today mobilizing their tanks, planes, and all
their advanced and sophisticated war machine against our Arab nation."33
Once the war began, the PLO Executive Committee reaffirmed its support
for Iraq: "The Palestinian people stand firmly by Iraq's side." The
following day, Arafat sent a message to Saddam hailing Iraq's struggle
against "American dictatorship" and describing Iraq as "the defender of
the Arab nation, of Muslims and of free men everywhere."34
Arafat's enthusiasm for Hussein was undaunted by the outcome of the war.
"I would like to take this opportunity to renew to your excellency the
great pride that we take in the ties of fraternity and common destiny
binding us," he said in November 1991. "Let us work together until we
achieve victory and regain liberated Jerusalem."35
MYTH
"The Gulf War demonstrated why Arab states need more U.S. weapons."
FACT
Iraq had one of the largest and most powerful armies in the world prior
to its invasion of Kuwait. None of the Gulf states could have challenged
the Iraqis without direct U.S. intervention. Kuwait is a tiny nation,
which had received $5 billion worth of arms and yet never had any chance
to stop Iraq.
Similarly, the United States has sold Saudi Arabia more than $40 billion
worth of arms and military services in the last decade, yet, it too,
could not have prevented an Iraqi invasion. It was this realization that
ultimately led King Fahd to allow U.S. troops to be based in his
country. No amount of military hardware could compensate for the small
size of the standing armies in these states.
Moreover, the rapidity with which Iraq overran Kuwait was a reminder
that U.S. weapons could easily fall into hostile hands. For example,
Iraq captured 150 U.S.-made HAWK antiaircraft missiles and some armored
vehicles from Kuwait.
MYTH
"Iraq ceased to be a threat to Israel after the 1991 Gulf War."
FACT
Iraq does not share a border with Israel, but since 1948 it has been one
of Israel's staunchest enemies. Iraq made Israel a prime target for
attack during the Gulf War. While much of Iraq's arsenal of
unconventional weaponry has been destroyed, Iraq still remains a
long-term threat to Israel's security. Recent revelations that Iraq had
biological warheads of anthrax and botulism toxin ready for use in 1990,
and was close to completing its program to acquire a nuclear capability,
underscore how close Israel and the Allied coalition came to disaster.
Much of Baghdad's germ warfare arsenal remains unaccounted for.
Saddam is still clearly bent on rearming Iraq. Much of Iraq's chemical
arsenal, nuclear facilities, and hundreds of mobile ballistic missiles
survived the conflict intact and Iraq continues to resist UN efforts to
destroy them. Although Iraq was forced to destroy many of its remaining
Scud missiles, it is believed a large number may remain hidden. In
addition, once sanctions are lifted, Baghdad could reproduce a nuclear
device within three to five years and restockpile its deadly chemical
agents in less than two years.
UN weapons inspectors were forced out of Iraq in 1998 and, two years
later, Iraq launched a series of short-range ballistic missiles in tests
to perfect a new system that could be used to build missiles with
longer-range capabilities.36
The military complexes and missile research centers where the missile,
dubbed the al-Samoud, is under development were heavily bombed in
December 1998 by allied aircraft during Operation Desert Fox. The
Pentagon, at the time, believed that Saddam Hussein’’s new missile
activity was put out of commission for at least a year or two. In fact,
the first launching of the missile came only six months later.
In January 2001, an Iraqi defector told the London Sunday Telegraph that
Iraq had acquired two fully operational nuclear bombs and was working to
construct more. This claim has been discounted, but numerous studies
have reported that Saddam Hussein is anywhere from a few months to a few
years away from the production of nuclear weapons and that the principal
obstacle has been acquiring the necessary fissile material.37 No one
questions Hussein's desire to acquire weapons of mass destruction.
In February 2003, Secretary of State Colin Powell gave an extensive
presentation to the UN Security Council in which he documented how Iraq
concealed its weapons, deceived inspectors, and has continued to pursue
a program to develop weapons of mass destruction in direct violation of
UN resolutions. While he did not present evidence that Iraq has nuclear
weapons, he did provide evidence that it does possess chemical and
biological weapons, and has continued work on the development of nuclear
weapons.38
Meanwhile, despite Iraq's agreement to comply with UN Resolution 687,
which prohibits it from allowing any terrorist organizations to operate
in its territory, Baghdad still maintains contact with, and provides
sanctuary to, several groups and individuals involved in terrorism.
Hussein has also publicly promised to pay $25,000 to the families of
Palestinian terrorists.
MYTH
“American Jews goaded the United States to go to war against Iraq in
2003 to help Israel.”
FACT
One of the most absurd arguments made by opponents of the U.S.-led war
against Iraq in 2003 was that American Jews somehow were responsible for
persuading President George W. Bush to launch the military campaign on
Israel’s behalf. The truth is that President Bush decided that Iraq
posed a threat to the United States because it possessed weapons of mass
destruction and was pursuing a nuclear capability that could have been
used directly against Americans or could have been transferred to
terrorists who would use them against U.S. targets. The removal of
Saddam Hussein was also designed to eliminate one of the principal
sponsors of terrorism.
The war in Iraq liberated the Iraqi people from one of the world’s most
oppressive regimes. Even in the Arab world, where many people objected
to the U.S. action, no Arab leader rose to Saddam Hussein’s defense.
It is true that Israel will benefit from the elimination of a regime
that launched 39 missiles against it in 1991, paid Palestinians to
encourage them to attack Israelis, and led a coalition of Arab states
committed to Israel’s destruction. It is also true, however, that many
Arab states benefitted from the removal of Saddam Hussein, in
particular, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. This is why these nations allowed
Allied forces to use their countries as bases for operations.
As for the role of American Jews, it is important to remember that Jews
comprise less than 3 percent of the U.S. population and were hardly the
most vocal advocates of the war. On the contrary, the Jewish community
had divisions similar to those in the country as a whole and most major
Jewish organizations purposely avoided taking any position on the war.
Meanwhile, public opinion polls showed that a significant majority of
all Americans supported the President’s policy toward Iraq.
Some critics have suggested that prominent Jewish officials in the Bush
Administration pushed for the war. In fact, only a handful of officials
in the Administration is Jewish, and not one of the President’s top
advisers — the Secretary of Defense, Secretary of State, Vice President,
or National Security Adviser — is Jewish.
The suggestion that American Jews are more loyal to Israel than to the
United States, or that they have undue influence on U.S. Middle East
policy, is an example of anti-Semitism. Unfortunately, some critics of
the war on Iraq chose the age-old approach of blaming the Jews for a
policy they disagreed with rather than addressing the substantive
arguments in the debate.
Notes
1Washington Post, (August 3, 1990).
2Washington Post, (January 17, 1991).
33UPI, (March 8, 1991).
4Near East Report, (February 4, 1991).
5Jerusalem Post, (January 17, 1992).
6Jewish Telegraphic Agency, (April 14, 1999).
7Jewish Telegraphic Agency, (June 21, 2001).
8Los Angeles Times, (January 28, 1991).
9New York Post, (February 4, 1991).
10Reuters, (April 2, 1990).
11Reuters, (April 18, 1990).
12UPI, (April 22, 1990).
13Baghdad Domestic Service, (June 18, 1990).
14Washington Post, (March 29, 1990).
15Washington Times, (April 3, 1990).
16Al-Ittihad, (January 26, 1990).
17Radio Monte Carlo, (February 17, 1990).
18Al-Dustur, (February, 18, 1990).
19Reuters, (April 17, 1990).
20Washington Post, (August 14, 1991).
21Washington Post, (August 8, 1991).
22Reuters, (December 26, 1990).
23Transcript of January 9, 1991, press conference.
24Mideast Mirror, (August 6, 1990).
25New York Times, (August 5, 1990).
26Al-Ahram, (August 12, 1990).
27UPI, (August 10, 1990).
28Reuters, (September 4, 1990).
29Associated Press, (August 12, 1990).
30Jerusalem Post, (August 8, 1990).
31Ha'aretz, (August 17, 1990).
32Yediot Aharonot, (August 1990).
33Sawt al-Sha'b, (September 4, 1990).
34Agence France-Presse, (February 26, 1991).
35Baghdad Republic of Iraq Radio Network, (November 16, 1991).
36New York Times, (July 1, 2000).
37Jerusalem Post, (January 29, 2001).
38U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, address to the United Nations
Security Council, (February 5, 2003).
From:
http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/myths/mf12.html
|
|
